Prop. 36 Will:

  • ELIMINATE unintended and ineffective life sentences currently imposed for nonviolent, non-serious crimes
  • RESTORE the original intent and core purpose of the Three Strikes law: to keep dangerous and violent criminals behind bars.
  • SAVE $100 million per year to fund schools, prevent crime, and decrease the need for tax increases.

For Relief Under Prop. 36:

We are working closely with Public Defender offices and other service providers throughout the state to provide the best possible assistance for anyone eligible for relief under Prop. 36.

Click here for resources.

Why We Won

California's Highest Court Reshapes How Prior Strike Convictions Are Reviewed

In late 2020, the California Supreme Court handed down a ruling that quietly redrew the boundaries of how prior strikes could be challenged and dismissed in state court. For more than two decades, the Three Strikes law had cast a long shadow over California's criminal courts, imposing a life sentence for a third felony conviction regardless of whether the third offence was trivial or serious. Reformers had spent years pushing back against the harshest consequences of that framework, and the 2020 decision gave trial judges a meaningful new tool to prevent unjust outcomes.

The Committee for Three Strikes Reform has long argued that public safety and proportional punishment can go hand in hand. The ruling aligned closely with the principles behind Proposition 36, which voters passed in 2012 to require that a life sentence under Three Strikes be reserved for cases where the third strike is a serious or violent felony. By clarifying the mechanics of how a prior strike allegation could be set aside, the court reinforced the spirit of that ballot measure and gave renewed force to arguments that had been circulating in courtrooms for years.

Australian readers may find the debate familiar. In parts of the country, mandatory minimum sentences have produced outcomes that jurists, politicians, and community leaders describe as out of step with community expectations. From Alice Springs to western Sydney, frontline workers see firsthand how inflexible sentencing can entrench disadvantage rather than reduce it. The legal conversation unfolding in Sacramento therefore carries lessons that resonate in Brisbane courtrooms and Darwin policy circles alike, particularly for those who have watched Indigenous Australians cycle through prisons built on rigid formulas.

This article unpacks what the court actually decided, why it mattered, and how the ruling reshapes the path forward for reformers, prosecutors, and people serving sentences under the old regime. It also draws out points of comparison with Australian sentencing debates, particularly in jurisdictions where mandatory terms have produced similar calls for proportionality.

The Origin of Three Strikes and the Rise of Reform Pressure

California enacted its Three Strikes law in 1994, at a moment when fear of repeat offending drove legislatures across the United States toward ever harsher sentencing. The structure was simple on paper: a defendant with two prior strikes who committed any third felony would face a mandatory indeterminate life term with a minimum of twenty-five years before parole could be considered. Even when the third offence was stealing a pair of socks or forging a small cheque, the law treated the offender as if they had committed something far more dangerous.

Over the following decade and a half, the consequences of that breadth became impossible to ignore. People convicted of non-serious, non-violent third strikes served sentences equivalent to those handed down for kidnapping or assault with a deadly weapon. Taxpayers funded the incarceration of offenders who, under any reasonable assessment, posed little threat to public safety. Families watched relatives disappear into the system for offences that, but for two earlier mistakes, would have carried only a modest punishment.

The pressure built slowly at first, then with greater force. Defence lawyers filed thousands of writs seeking relief. Editorial boards across the state editorialised about the human cost. Prosecutors in some counties began using their discretion to strike prior allegations when the circumstances clearly did not warrant life imprisonment. In 2012, voters approved Proposition 36, restoring judicial discretion to limit life terms to truly dangerous offenders, while preserving stiff sentences for violent and serious crimes.

People v Garcia and the 2020 Decision

The 2020 ruling arose from a case in which the defendant, Eduardo Garcia, faced sentencing under the Three Strikes regime after a third felony conviction. His prior strikes included residential burglary, and the trial court declined to dismiss the priors despite arguments from the defence that doing so would serve the interests of justice. The Court of Appeal upheld the trial court's decision, and the matter reached the California Supreme Court.

In People v Garcia (2020) 9 Cal.5th 1116, the Supreme Court held that trial courts retain discretion under Penal Code section 1385 to dismiss prior strike allegations in the furtherance of justice. The court rejected the argument that a 2015 ballot initiative known as Proposition 47 had stripped judges of that authority. Instead, the justices reasoned, Proposition 47 simply adjusted what counted as a strike, leaving intact the longstanding power of judges to strike prior allegations when fairness demanded it.

The decision was not absolute. It reaffirmed that discretion must be exercised carefully, with attention to the defendant's history, the nature of the current offence, and the broader interests of public safety. But it removed a procedural barrier that had blocked defendants across the state from seeking meaningful review of their prior strikes, particularly when those priors were decades old or clearly minor.

Why the Court Opened the Door to Dismissing Priors

Several threads came together to push the court toward its conclusion. The first was a recognition that the original Three Strikes law, as written and as applied, produced results that troubled the conscience of the judiciary. Trial judges across the state had repeatedly complained that they were forced to impose sentences that bore no rational relationship to the crime at hand, particularly when the third strike was a non-serious, non-violent felony.

The second thread was the will of the voters. With Proposition 36 in 2012 and Proposition 47 in 2014, Californians had made clear that they wanted proportionality restored to the sentencing system. The Supreme Court read those ballot measures as expressions of popular intent that courts were obliged to honour where possible. Striking prior allegations, the justices reasoned, was a tool consistent with that intent, not in conflict with it.

A third thread was the experience of trial courts themselves. By 2020, many California judges had grown practised in weighing the factors relevant to dismissing priors, and they had developed a body of case law that the Supreme Court could draw upon. The decision in Garcia essentially ratified a practice that had been emerging across the state, giving it the force of binding precedent and reassuring trial courts that their discretion would be respected on review.

Factors courts now commonly consider when weighing a motion to strike a prior include:

  • The nature and seriousness of the defendant's prior strikes
  • The length of time between the prior offences and the current charge
  • The defendant's overall criminal history and record of rehabilitation
  • The circumstances of the current offence, including any harm to victims
  • The defendant's age, health, and personal circumstances
  • The impact of a potential life sentence on the defendant's dependants

Implications for Sentencing in California Courts

The immediate effect of Garcia was to open a clearer path for defendants seeking to challenge their prior strikes. Defence attorneys gained confidence that motions to strike would receive serious consideration, rather than being dismissed as a matter of course. Prosecutors, meanwhile, had to reckon with the likelihood that some motions would be granted, particularly where the priors were old or the current offence was relatively minor.

For people already serving life sentences under the old Three Strikes regime, the ruling did not provide automatic relief. However, it strengthened the legal arguments available to those pursuing habeas corpus petitions or resentencing under Proposition 36. Combined with ongoing legislative efforts, including reforms to the resentencing process passed in subsequent years, Garcia gave long-term prisoners a more solid foundation on which to seek a fresh sentencing hearing.

For the broader criminal justice system, the decision signalled that the courts were willing to interpret the Three Strikes law with greater flexibility. Public defenders, civil rights organisations, and reform advocates welcomed the ruling as a step toward a more proportionate system. Prosecutors and law-enforcement groups expressed concern that the change could lead to inconsistent outcomes, though many acknowledged that the discretion recognised by the court was already being exercised in practice across many counties.

Parallels with Mandatory Sentencing in Australia

Australian readers will recognise patterns from their own backyard. The Northern Territory has long grappled with mandatory sentencing regimes that have produced outcomes critics describe as cruel and out of step with community standards. In Western Australia, the 2014 "three strikes" child sex offender laws imposed progressively harsher penalties that some legal scholars argue have not measurably improved community safety. In Queensland, debates over mandatory terms for certain drug and property offences continue to divide legal opinion and energise advocacy campaigns.

In places like Alice Springs, the impact of inflexible sentencing falls heavily on First Nations communities, with advocates pointing to the overrepresentation of Indigenous Australians behind bars as evidence that mandatory regimes can entrench inequality rather than reduce it. In western Sydney and parts of Brisbane, public defenders tell similar stories of clients facing sentences that bear little relation to the harm caused, prompting calls for reform that echo the arguments made by California's reformers.

Key features of Australian mandatory sentencing debates include:

  • Concerns about Indigenous overrepresentation in prisons
  • Disputes over whether mandatory terms deter offending
  • Tensions between parliamentary sovereignty and judicial discretion
  • Campaigns by legal aid organisations for sentencing review
  • Comparisons with international human rights frameworks

There is also a shared vocabulary of reform. Australian advocates speak of the need for a fair go in sentencing, a phrase that captures the same intuition animating California's reforms: that punishment should fit the crime, and that judges should retain the discretion to recognise individual circumstances. Lawyers in both jurisdictions argue that discretion, properly guided by clear statutory principles, produces fairer and more legitimate outcomes than rigid formulas alone.

What Comes Next for Reform Advocates

The Garcia ruling did not end the debate over Three Strikes, but it gave reformers a foothold they had long sought. In the years since 2020, California has continued to refine its approach to sentencing, with additional resentencing opportunities created by later legislation. Defence attorneys have used Garcia to argue for relief in cases that might once have seemed hopeless, and trial courts have grown more willing to entertain such motions on their merits.

For visitors wanting context about the organisation driving this work, the Committee's history and mission page explains how reform has unfolded over more than two decades. The stories published on the site give a human face to the abstract legal arguments. A 2025 profile of a veteran who received a life sentence for a drug offence illustrates the human stakes of inflexible sentencing, while a collection of California horror stories draws attention to cases where the law produced outcomes that shocked the conscience.

For Australians watching these developments, the lesson is that mandatory sentencing regimes can be reformed without compromising public safety. The California experience shows that judicial discretion, properly exercised, can produce outcomes that are both fair and protective of community wellbeing. It also shows that reform takes time, persistence, and a willingness to challenge assumptions held by legislators and prosecutors alike.

Australian policy makers weighing changes to mandatory minimums in their own jurisdictions can draw on the California record. Public defenders in places like Darwin or Perth can point to Garcia as evidence that high courts will sometimes restore discretion when legislators have stripped it away. Community organisations campaigning for a fairer approach to sentencing can borrow language and strategy from California's reformers, adapting what works to local conditions and political realities on the ground.

The practical takeaway for anyone engaged in sentencing reform is straightforward: build the legal record, support the lawyers who advance it, and tell the stories that make the human cost visible. California's highest court did not arrive at its 2020 ruling by accident. It was the product of years of advocacy, litigation, and public conversation. Reformers in Australia, and in any jurisdiction wrestling with the consequences of inflexible sentencing, can take heart from that trajectory and apply its lessons to their own fights for a fairer system.

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