Prop. 36 Will:

  • ELIMINATE unintended and ineffective life sentences currently imposed for nonviolent, non-serious crimes
  • RESTORE the original intent and core purpose of the Three Strikes law: to keep dangerous and violent criminals behind bars.
  • SAVE $100 million per year to fund schools, prevent crime, and decrease the need for tax increases.

For Relief Under Prop. 36:

We are working closely with Public Defender offices and other service providers throughout the state to provide the best possible assistance for anyone eligible for relief under Prop. 36.

Click here for resources.

Why We Won

Where California’s Three Strikes Policy Goes From Here

California’s Three Strikes law changed dramatically when voters approved Proposition 36 in 2012. The reform preserved life sentences for people convicted of a new serious or violent felony while creating a path to resentencing for many individuals serving life terms because their third strike was neither serious nor violent. It also narrowed the circumstances in which a third strike could automatically trigger the harshest penalty.

That change settled one question but opened several others. How should California treat people who have completed the custody portion of a sentence but still face supervision? How can courts distinguish genuine public-safety risks from people whose sentences were driven by an outdated penalty structure? What should happen when later legislation, court decisions, or voter initiatives alter the balance between punishment and rehabilitation?

The next phase of Three Strikes reform will depend on implementation, evidence, and public confidence. Advocates will need to show that proportional sentencing protects communities, saves public resources, and supports successful reentry. Lawmakers and local officials will also face pressure to respond to serious crime without returning to a system that imposes life sentences for nonviolent conduct.

The Reform’s Core Promise

Proposition 36 was built around a straightforward distinction: a life sentence should generally be reserved for people whose current offense and criminal history demonstrate a serious, continuing threat. Under the prior structure, a person could receive 25 years to life after a third felony even when that third offense was not violent. The result was a sentencing system in which the punishment could appear disconnected from the conduct that triggered it.

The reform allowed eligible third-strikers to petition for resentencing and changed the rules for future cases. Courts still had authority to deny relief when an individual posed an unreasonable risk of committing a new serious or violent felony. That safety valve was essential to the measure’s public-safety argument because it placed judicial review, criminal history, and the facts of each case at the center of the process.

The future of reform should preserve this individualized approach. Broad slogans about being “tough” or “soft” on crime do little to explain whether a particular person is dangerous, whether a sentence is proportionate, or whether continued incarceration is producing measurable safety benefits. A durable policy must answer those questions with consistent standards and reliable data.

Turning Resentencing Into Lasting Public Safety

Resentencing is only one part of the policy. A person released after decades in prison may need housing, health care, identification documents, transportation, employment assistance, and treatment for substance use or mental health conditions. These needs are especially significant for older adults, people with disabilities, and individuals whose family relationships have changed during a long incarceration.

Strong reentry planning can reduce the risk of a new offense. Counties, parole agencies, community organizations, and families each have a role in helping people comply with supervision and rebuild stable lives. The goal is not to excuse past conduct. It is to address the practical conditions that influence whether someone returns safely to the community.

The evidence used to assess resentencing should also become more sophisticated. Recidivism rates should be separated by age, offense category, time since release, supervision status, and access to services. A single statewide number can conceal important differences. Policymakers need transparent reporting that shows both public-safety outcomes and the consequences of keeping eligible people incarcerated.

Supporters can draw on law-enforcement endorsements to explain why proportional sentencing is compatible with community protection. The strongest case for reform comes from a broad coalition that includes crime survivors, prosecutors, defense attorneys, corrections professionals, law-enforcement leaders, and families affected by lengthy sentences.

Measuring Costs And Community Benefits

Long-term imprisonment carries substantial costs beyond the daily expenses of operating a prison. Housing an aging population can require increased medical care, specialized facilities, and extensive correctional staffing. When a person who no longer presents a serious threat remains incarcerated solely because of an old sentencing rule, the state must examine whether those resources are being used effectively.

Fiscal savings are not the only reason to support resentencing. People returning to their families may provide care for children, spouses, or older relatives. They may work, pay taxes, support local businesses, and contribute to community life. The economic impact analysis presents the broader financial questions that arise when nonviolent third-strikers are released rather than kept in prison for life.

A responsible approach should track how savings are redirected. Funds made available through reduced incarceration could support victim services, violence prevention, reentry housing, mental health treatment, and local programs proven to reduce harm. Without clear reinvestment, reform may be criticized as a budget measure rather than recognized as a public-safety strategy.

Policy area Reform objective Evidence to monitor
Resentencing Replace disproportionate life terms with individualized review Petitions granted, denied, and completed
Public safety Release only people who do not present an unreasonable serious-felony risk Rearrest and reconviction rates by offense and age
Reentry Help people comply with supervision and establish stability Housing, employment, treatment, and technical violations
Fiscal policy Reduce unnecessary incarceration costs Correctional spending and reinvestment totals
Accountability Maintain public trust through transparent oversight Statewide reports, court data, and independent evaluations

Responding To Changes In The Political Climate

Criminal justice policy is shaped by public experience as well as statistics. A high-profile violent offense can quickly intensify calls for longer sentences, while overcrowding, rising correctional costs, or evidence of successful reentry can renew support for alternatives. Reform advocates therefore need to communicate clearly when public attention shifts.

The political environment may also produce attempts to narrow eligibility, increase penalties, or revise the definition of a serious or violent offense. Such changes should be evaluated carefully. Expanding the list of crimes that trigger severe enhancements can gradually recreate the very disproportionality that Proposition 36 was designed to address.

At the same time, reform supporters should acknowledge legitimate concerns about repeat offending. A persuasive message does not deny that some people with lengthy records remain dangerous. It explains why individualized hearings, risk assessment, judicial review, and enforceable supervision are better tools for identifying those cases than an automatic sentence based primarily on the number of prior convictions.

Public debate also benefits from correcting misunderstandings about the law. The available data behind the myths can help distinguish what Proposition 36 changed from what it did not change. Clear explanations matter because voters and legislators are more likely to support carefully limited reform when they understand its eligibility rules and safety protections.

Protecting Fair Access To Relief

A legal right to seek resentencing is meaningful only when eligible people can use it. Many incarcerated individuals lack legal representation, have limited access to records, or do not understand how to present evidence about rehabilitation and reentry. Courts may also face uneven workloads, creating delays that produce different experiences across counties.

The next stage should focus on consistent procedures. California can improve public access to eligibility information, provide plain-language notices, preserve relevant case records, and support qualified counsel for people navigating resentencing petitions. Standardized data collection would make it easier to identify backlogs and determine whether decisions vary for reasons unrelated to public safety.

Fairness also requires attention to victims and survivors. They should receive timely notice, meaningful opportunities to provide input, and understandable explanations of how a resentencing decision is reached. Including victims in the process does not require treating every original sentence as permanent. It means recognizing the harm caused by crime while allowing courts to consider whether a current life term remains justified.

Judicial discretion should be guided rather than arbitrary. Courts need access to current information about conduct in prison, disciplinary history, age, health, prior offenses, release plans, and support networks. A careful record allows the judge to make a decision based on present risk instead of relying exclusively on decades-old assumptions.

Building A Modern Sentencing Framework

The future of Three Strikes reform should not be limited to revisiting old cases. California can use the experience of Proposition 36 to improve sentencing more broadly. Serious penalties should be targeted at conduct that causes or threatens substantial physical harm, while lower-level offenses should receive responses proportionate to their actual danger and the individual’s role.

That framework can include graduated sanctions, treatment-based programs, restorative justice options where appropriate, and incentives for completing education or vocational training. It can also recognize that risk changes over time. Age, maturity, health, and sustained behavior in custody are relevant factors that an automatic sentencing formula cannot fully capture.

Data transparency will be central to this work. State agencies should publish information about resentencing applications, release decisions, supervision outcomes, violations, and new serious offenses. Reports should be understandable to the public and detailed enough for researchers to evaluate results. Independent review can strengthen credibility when findings are favorable and identify problems before they become reasons to abandon reform.

A modern system should also avoid creating new categories of people who are effectively sentenced to die in prison for nonviolent conduct. Accountability and compassion are not opposites. A sentence can recognize repeated wrongdoing while still leaving room for demonstrated transformation and a structured return to society.

Practical Priorities For The Next Phase

Advocates, public officials, and community partners can turn the principles of proportional punishment into measurable action. The following priorities provide a practical foundation:

  • Expand access to counsel and clear eligibility information for people seeking resentencing.
  • Require consistent statewide reporting on petitions, releases, supervision, and recidivism.
  • Invest correctional savings in victim services, violence prevention, housing, treatment, and reentry support.
  • Preserve judicial review for dangerous cases while resisting automatic enhancements for nonviolent conduct.
  • Include victims, families, formerly incarcerated people, and public-safety professionals in policy evaluation.

These priorities connect legal reform with community outcomes. They also make it possible to evaluate policy without relying on isolated anecdotes. If a program reduces unnecessary incarceration but leaves people without support after release, it needs adjustment. If a safety restriction blocks relief for people who have clearly changed, it should be examined as well.

The most durable reforms will be those that can withstand changes in political leadership. That requires published standards, independent evaluation, responsible budgeting, and communication that treats residents as partners rather than audiences for campaign messaging.

California’s experience demonstrates that sentencing laws can change when voters recognize the cost of excessive punishment and the value of proportionality. Proposition 36 created a path away from automatic life terms for many nonviolent third-strikers, but its larger significance lies in the principle that public safety should be measured by results rather than sentence length alone.

The work now is to protect that principle, improve access to relief, and ensure that people returning home have a realistic opportunity to succeed. Follow the Committee for Three Strikes Reform’s updates, review the available evidence, and share accurate information about sentencing reform with community leaders and policymakers. Continued public engagement will help keep California’s criminal justice system focused on safety, fairness, and accountability.

News

Next Slide Previous Slide